Memoir by Hugh McDonald [Extract]
McDonald, Hugh
December 1853
Volume 11, Pages 828-837

EXTRACT FROM A REVOLUTIONARY JOURNAL BY HUGH McDONALD.
[From the Universitv Magazine.]

Messrs. Editors:

As there is a deep and increasing interest now felt especially by the educated and literary portion of the community, in collecting or reading the incidents of the Revolutionary War, it is presumed that any thing relating to that trying and eventful period of our history, however unimportant in itself, will be acceptable to your readers. I have in my possession an old manuscript, written somewhat in the form of a journal, by Hugh McDonald, a soldier of the Revolution; and from this I now send you a short extract, which is at your service, and you may give it an insertion in your Magazine, or not, as you think proper. When in his fourteenth year his father took him along with him to the battle of Moore's Creek, where he was taken prisoner, but, like most of the privates who were made prisoners on that occasion, he and his father were set at liberty and sent home. On their return home they engaged again in their farming operations, but in June, before he had completed his fourteenth year, and before independence was declared, he enlisted in the American army and continued to the end of the war. Having entered the military service of his country at such an early age, and having continued in the camp until he had arrived to maturity, he was, of course, no scholar and had to employ another hand some years afterwards, to write down what he related; but as he required the amanuensis to write his precise words, it is not fit for the press in its present form. I have, therefore, taken the liberty of correcting the orthography, syntax and
punctuation, or at least the most glaring aberrations from the rules of grammar in these particulars; but I have made as little alteration in his language as possible. His account of the tory army and the battle of Moore's Creek, though containing no facts of any importance that have not been already published, is reserved for another purpose; and I begin with the account of his return home, his enlistment, &c., not because this is the most interesting part of the narrative, but because I may possibly, at some future time, send you another extract, provided this shall meet with favor from the Editors and readers of your Magazine, which seem to be assuming much more of a literary character, and promises to become a credit to the State.

“Notwithstanding this scouring,” at Moore's Creek, “and the just contempt of our fellow citizens, we remained in heart as still tories as ever. This expedition took place in the month of February, 1776, from which we returned and began to repair our fences for a crop the ensuing summer. About the first of June, a report was circulated that a company of lighthorse were coming into the settlement; and, as a guilty conscience needs no accuser, every one thought they were after him. The report was that Col. Alston had sent out four or five men to cite us all to muster at Henry Eagle's, on Bear Creek, upon which our poor deluded people took refuge in the swamps. On a certain day, when we were ploughing in the field, news came to my father that the light horse were in the settlement and a request that he would conceal himself. He went to the house of his brother-in-law to give him notice, and ordered me to take the horse out of the plough, turn him loose, and follow him as fast as I could. I went to the horse, but never having ploughed any in my life, I was trying how I could plough, when five men on horseback appeared at the fence, one of whom, Dan'l Buie, knew me and asked me what I was doing here. I answered that my father lived here; and he said he was not aware of that. ‘Come,’ he says, you must go with us to pilot us through the settlement; for we have a boy here with us who has come far enough. He is six miles from home and is tired enough.—' His name was Thomas Graham, and he lived near the head of McLennon's creek. I told Mr. Buie that I dare not go, for, if I did, my father would kill me. He then alighted from his horse, and walked into the field, ungeared the horse and took him outside the fence.

He then put up the fence again; and, leading me by the hand, put me on behind one of the company, whose name was Gaster, and discharged the other boy. We then went to Daniel Shaw's, thence to John Morrison's (shoemaker), thence to Alexander McLeod's, father of merchant John McLeod, who died in Fayetteville, thence to Alexander Shaw's, (blacksmith), thence to old Hugh McSwan's, who gave half a crown for a small gourd when we landed in America. Here I was ordered to go home, but I refused, and went with them to the muster at Eagle's. Next day Col. Phillip Alston appeared at the muster, when these men told him that they had taken a boy to pilot them a little way through the settlement and that they could not get clear of him. The Colonel personally insisted on my going back to my father; but I told them I would not; for I had told them the consequence of my going with them before they took me. Seeing he could not prevail with me, he got a man by the name of Daniel McQueen, a noted bard, to take me home to my father, but I told him that I was determined to hang to them. Col. Alston then took me with him and treated me kindly. Mrs. Alston desired me to go to school with her children until she could send my father word to come after me, and she would make peace between us; but her friendly offers were also rejected.

“On the following Tuesday I went with the same company of horsemen to Fayetteville, where I met a gentleman by the name of Dan'l. Porterfield, a Lieutenant in Capt. Authur Council's company, who asked me if I did not wish to enlist. I told him, not with him; but I wanted to see a Mr. Hilton who, I understood, was in the army, and wherever he was I wished to be. He told me that he and Hilton were of one company, and if Hilton did not tell me so, he would take back the money and let me go with Hilton. I then took the money and was received into the service of the U. S. June 10th, 1776, and in the fourteenth year of my age.

“After my enlistment, we continued in Cross Creek until the middle of July, when we went on board Mrs. Blanctret's boat and floated down to Wilmington, where the brigade was made up, which was commanded by Gen. Frank Nash, and consisted of six regiments. Of the first regiment, Thomas Clarke was Colonel and John Mebane Lieutenant Colonel; of the second, Alexander Martin, from Hillsboro', was Colonel and John Patton Lieutenant Colonel; of the third, Jethro Sumner was Colonel and William Davidson, Lieutenant Colonel; of the fourth, Thos. Polk was Colonel and J. Paxton, Lieutenant Colonel; of the fifth, ———— Buncombe was Colonel and ———— Eden, Lieutenant Colonel; of the sixth, Lilington had the command, but being unable, from old age, to go on parade, when the regiment was made up at Wilmington, he was forced to resign, and Lieutenant Colonel Lamb, from Edenton, took command of the regiment. Our Major died at Wilmington, and Capt. Arch'd Lyttle, from Hillsboro', who had been educated for a preacher of the gospel, was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. Captain Griffin McRee, of Elizabethown, was appointed Major, and of this regiment I was a private soldier.

“Not more than three weeks after the brigade was embodied, my Captain, Arthur Council, a young man who had been raised near Cross Creek, and whose father's house is yet known by the name of Council Hall, died. This young gentleman was distinguished in the regiment for modesty, gentility and morality. Shortly after the death of Council, his first lieutenant who was known by the name of Philadelphia Thomas White, became our Captain, and he was as immoral as Council was moral. As sickness was prevailing in the regiment, we moved out of town about eight miles, to a place called Jumping Gully, where we encamped untill about the middle of October and were drilled twice a day. In this camp I was taken sick, and continued ignorant of everything that passed for five weeks. One evening, the brigade being on parade, I felt a great desire for home, and thought I saw everything at my father's house before my eyes. I got out of my tent and went away some distance to a fresh running branch. The water, from falling over a large poplar root, had made a deep hole below, and, getting into the hole, I laid my head on the root, which I believe was the sweetest bed I ever lay in. The water was so cool to my parched body that I lay there until ten o'clock next day before they found me, George Dudley, Sergeant of our company, having crossed within two feet of my head without seeing me. William Carrol, who was in company with Dudley, discovered me, and exclaimed, “By G–d., here he is, turned to be an otter. He is under the water.” Dudley, having passed me, turned back, took me out of the water and carried me to camp. When the doctor came to see me, he said that the water had cooled my fever and that I would recover,
though he had given me out before. I did recover and recruited very fast every day after my immersion. In addition to the advantages of my immersion, my good friend Hilton, the fife player, hired a gig in Wilmington and took me out of camp, to the house of one Blufort, who had a bridge across the North East River, about ten miles above Wilmington, where, from their kind attention and good water and the salubrity of the air, I soon recovered my former strength and joined the brigade sooner than could be expected.

I shall now give the readers some account of the Captains of my regiment, which was the sixth; but I shall omit the subaltern officers' list; in attempting to recall so many names and characters, I should make a mistake, which I do not wish to do. When the brigade was made up each regiment consisted of eight captains, and of the 6th regiment Arch'd Lyttle was first captain, and Griffin McRee, second, who had very undeservedly enlisted most of his men for six months and returned them for three years or during the war. This deception, on the part of Captain McRee, occasioned many desertions in his company, when six months, the term of their enlistment, had expired. Captain Lyttle was from Orange, Captain McRee, from Bladen. The 3d captain was George Doherty, who lived on the North East River, in Hanover county, and about 25 miles above Wilmington. He was a full blooded Irishman, about seventy-five years of age, much of a gentleman and a brave soldier. The fourth captain was Philip Taylor, from Orange, a raw Buckskin, destitute of grace, mercy or knowledge as to that which is spiritual, and filled with pride and arrogance. The fifth, was Tilman Dickson, from Edgcombe, a dirty Buckskin, who would rather sit on his hams all day and play cards with his meanest private soldier, in his homespun dress, than wash or uniform himself and keep company with his fellow officers as a captain ought to do. The sixth captain, was Jemimah Pigue, from Onslow, who was a smart officer, a middle aged man, and a guardian of his soldiers. The seventh captain was Daniel Williams, from Duplin, a Buckskin, a gentleman and the friend and protector of his soldiers. The eighth was Benjamin Sharp, who was from Halifax county, and was a very smart officer.”
W.

———

When the brigade embodied at Wilmington, it consisted of nine thousand and four hundred, rank and file: twelve Colonels (including Lt Colonels), six Majors, forty-eight Captains, ninetysix Lieutenants, forty-eight Ensigns; two Drummers and two Fifers to every Captain's Company; one hundred and eighty-two Sergeants, eight Quarter Master Sergeants, and Sergeants Major to each regiment, one Drum Major, who was an old gentleman from Elizabeth, by the name of Alex. Harvey; one Fife Major an Englishman, by the name of Robt. Williams, a master of all kinds of music and genteelly bred, who had been transported from England before the war, for cursing the royal family; eight Doctors, eight Adjutants and one Brigade Major, a hatter from Hillsborough, besides Sutlers and Paymasters.

On the 1st of November, we received orders to march to the North and join the grand camp, commanded by Washington. About the 15th of November, we marched from Wilmington, under the command of Gen. Frank Nash, and proceeded to the Roanoke river and encamped about a mile and a half from the town of Halifax, in Col. Long's old fields, who was Commissary General of the North Carolina troops. There we remained about three weeks, when we received orders to turn back and go and meet the British at Augustine and prevent them from getting into the State of Georgia, and proceeded by way of Wilmington. On our march, we lay on the South side of Contentney creek, where there were living an old man and woman who had a number of geese about the house; and next morning about twenty of their geese were missing. They came to the encampment inquiring about them; but getting no information among the tents, they went to the General, who said he could do nothing unless they could produce the guilty. On his giving them ten dollars, however, they went away satisfied; and I am very sure that I got some of them to eat. Being a sleepy headed boy, I always went to sleep as soon as the fires were made; and, having done so now, about midnight, a Mr. John Turner, a messmate of mine, tried to awaken me, which he found difficult to do, but, being a strong man, he lifted me up and began sticking pins in my rump until I was fully awake, when he said, “D–;n you, go to the kettle and see what you will find there.” I went and found it was fowl flesh and very fat. I did not understand it that night; but knew what it was next morning when the old people came to camp inquiring for their geese. The General, after paying them ten dollars, gave the men strict orders to be honest or he would punish the least offence of that kind with severity.

We proceeded thence to Wilmington where we stayed two days, and thence by Lockwood's Folly to Georgetown. When we got to the boundary house we encamped for a short time to rest, and Col. Alston, a wealthy gentleman of the neighborhood, came to see Gen. Nash, and told him he could show him a better camping ground, which was an elevated neck of land covered with hickory and other good firewood. The trees were covered with long moss from the top to the ground; and of this we made excellent beds. There we stayed about a month waiting for further orders, where we cut and cleared about a hundred acres of land. During our continuance here, those who had been enlisted by our Major McRee and returned during the war, applied to their Captain for this discharge; but he was not aware that any in the camp had been enlisted for six months. They then applied to their old Captain, who had been promoted to the rank of Major, but he told them, in reply to their just request, that he would have them put under guard and punished accordingly to the martial laws. This rebuff they were forced to bear and remain in silence; but concerted a plan for their own relief; for in the morning it was found that nine had deserted, some of whom were never taken, notwithstanding the claims resting upon them. Arch. Bone acted as pilot to these deserters—the rest were late deserters from Scotland, viz: John Currie and Arch. Crawford. Three were colored people, Gears, Billy, George and Jack.– The other three were McDonalds, George, Thomas, and Zack.

From this pleasant place we marched for Charleston, S. C., and crossed the Pee Dee at a place called Winyaw, about halfway between Georgetown and the inlet. Thence to Charleston, and there we had orders not to go any further towards Augustine. We then marched back across Cooper river to Hadrell's Point, opposite to Fort Sullivan, where we lay the remaining part of the winter and spring until March 1777, and where we were fed on fresh pork and rice as our constant diet. About the 15th of March, we received orders to march to the North and join Washington's grand army. We marched to Wilmington, N. C., and thence to Halifax, where we crossed the Roanoke river. After leaving the ferry and marching up the river about two miles, we came a fishery; and the commanding officer having desired leave for his men to draw the seine, which was readily granted, by drawing it once, we drew so many that you would hardly miss from the pile what we took for our breakfast.

We then marched on, and crossed the Méherrin, at Hick's ford. Next morning my friend Hilton asked me if I would not like to see old Janus and I told him I would. “Well, I can show you his shape,” as he was going that morning to see his wife and children. I told him that I did not know that he had a wife. He said he had and I should go with him to see them. On our way we went by the stables where old Janus stood, or rather his skin newly cased with crystals for eyes, but he looked so firm that you would scarcely venture up to the stall where he stood. We went on to Mrs. Hilton's who lived with her mother and two sons, where we stayed two days. Mr. Hilton then took a couple of horses and a negro to bring them back, which we rode until we overtook the Brigade. As we passed through the State of Virginia, we could scarcely march two miles at a time without being stopped by gentlemen and ladies who were coming to the road purposely to see us. We stopped two days at Williamsburg and rested. We then marched on and crossed the James river at the town of Richmond, where there were fishers; and having gotten leave there also to draw the siene, every man took as many fish as he wanted. While passing through the town a shoemaker stood in his door and cried, “Hurrah for King George,” of which no one took any notice; but after halting in a wood, a little distance beyond, where we cooked and ate our fish, the shoemaker came to us and began again to hurrah for King George. When the General and his aids mounted and started, he still followed them, hurrahing for King George. Upon which the General ordered him to be taken back to the river and ducked. We brought a long rope, which we tied about the middle, round his middle, and sesawed him backwards and forwards until we had him nearly drowned, but every time he got his head above water he would cry for King George. The General having then ordered him to be tarred and feathered, a feather bed was taken from his own house, where were his wife and four likely daughters crying and beseeching their father to hold his tongue, but still he would not. We tore the bed open and knocked the top out of a tar barrel, into which we plunged him headlong. He was then drawn out by the heels and rolled in the feathers until he was a sight but still he would hurra for King George. The General now ordered him to be drummed out of the West end of town, and told him expressly that if he plagued him any more in that way he would have him shot. So we saw no more of the shoemaker.

We then marched on until we came to the Potomac river; but, early in the morning, we were halted and all the doctors called upon to inoculate the men with the small pox, which took them until two o'clock. We then crossed the river at Georgetown, about 8 miles above Alexandria, near the place where Washington city now stands. There we got houses and stayed until we were well of the smallpox. I having had the pox before, attended on the officers of my company until they got well, but what is very strange, in the whole Brigade, there was not one man lost by pox, except one by the name of Griffin, who, after he had got able to go about, I thought he was well, imprudently went to swim in the Potomac, and next morning was found dead. About the last of June we left Georgetown for Philadelphia. About twelve miles from Baltimore, I was taken sick and helpless in the road, Lieutenant Dudley, Sergeant Dudley and some others stayed to bury me, when it was thought that I would die but, seeing that I was not dying nor coming to my senses they took me on their back, turn about, until they came up with a wagon. The doctors saw me, but would not venture to give me anything, as they did not understand my complaint. I lay so until about midnight, when our sutler, who had been gone four days after a load of whiskey, came into camp. Lieutenant Hadley got some spirit, about a spoonful, down my throat which he thought helped me. He then gave me about a wine glassful, and in about fifteen or twenty minutes I came to my speech. Finding that the whiskey helped me, he gave it to me until daylight, at which time my complaint was discovered to be measles. I was then put into a wagon and carefully nursed by Lieut. Hadley, until I got well. Going on our march, about two miles above Susquehanna river, I saw an old woman with her son and daughter about twelve years old, and on hearing her speak to them in my mother tongue, I asked her how she came here. She thanked her Maker, that she had met with one who could talk with her, and told me that her son had been transported for a frivolous crime, committed in his own country, that he had been sentenced to be sold for seven years servitude in the State of Maryland, and that having no other son, and not willing to have a separation from him for ever, she had followed him here with her little daughter. I told him if he would enlist with us, he would finish his servitude at once. He said, if he thought so, he would do it. I told him that no man dare take him out of the service and I would ensure him. Upon which I gave him two dollars and told him he should have the rest of his bounty. Before night the old woman said she would go also, and when I urged her not to do it, she was determined, and going for her baggage, she returned to camp that night.

Description by Joseph Graham of military action in North Carolina
Graham, Joseph, 1759-1836
Volume 19, Pages 979-998

GEN. JOSEPH GRAHAM TO JUDGE A. D. MURPHEY.

In the Histories of the Revolutionary War by Marshall, Ramsey & Lee the details given of transactions in this Section of Country are frequently inaccurate and several things which had a bearing on the general result entirely omitted. They had not the means of correct information, except Lee who did not join the Southern Army wtih his Legion until the month of February, 1781, after which his narrative may be generally relied on.

It may be remarked that there was a marked difference in the manner of conducting the revolutionary and the late war between us and Great Britain. In the latter the commandant of a party sent an official report in writing to his superior officer, or to the secretary of the War department, of every trivial combat with the Enemy. In the former of all the battles fought in the South, there were not more than three or four official reports ever published. The Historians had to collect some of their information from common fame and other precarious sources. The truth is that many of the officers of that time were better at fighting than writing and could make better marks with their swords than with their pens. Their object did not appear so much to have their names puff’d in the columns of a news paper as to destroy their Enemy or drive him from their Country and Establish its Independence.

The Histories of Ramsey & Lee, which are the most in detail of the transactions in the South, are calculated to make an erroneous impression in reciting the operations under the command of General Sumpter in the months of July and August, 1780, and of General Pickens in the months of February & March, 1781. From the number of the field officers from South Carolina under their command the reader would believe in the ranks of the former the principal force consisted of the militia from South Carolina, whereas, the fact was, that in the well fought battles of Rocky Mount & Hanging Rock the North Carolinians, under the command of Colos. Irwin and Huggins and Major Davie, constituted the greater part of his Command and the field officers referred to had not sometimes each a Dozen of men with them.

In the folowing February when General Andrew Pickens was vested with the command of the troops, 6 or 700 in number Assembled in the rear of Lord Cornwallis on his march to Dan River, there was not more than 40 of the South Carolina Militia in his ranks and his men were chiefly from between the Yadkin and Catawba Rivers from the then Counties of Mecklenburg and Rowan (from which Iredell and Cabarrus since separated).

It may further be remembered that in the Brigade of State troops raised by the State of South Carolina in the spring of 1781, when each man furnished his own horse and military equipments, the Regiments commanded by Cols. Polk, Hampton & Hill and Middleton, were mostly raised in the Counties aforesaid.

It is admitted that some of both Officers and soldiers of the militia of South Carolina were as brave and enterprising as ever went to a field of battle, but those well affected to the cause of Independence were but few in number. The most of the lower districts (except Marion’s Brigade) were endeavoring to save their property either by moving to No. Carolina or Virginia, or the greater number by taking protection from the enemy. From the conduct of the few before alluded to Ramsey’s History gives character to the whole Militia of the State who were not disaffected, when it is well known a great majority of them saw little Military service. The Counties of Mecklenburg and Rowan not only furnished the greater part of the troops commanded by General Sumpter, but it was in all cases his place of retirement when menaced by a superior force of the
enemy and from whence he mostly organised and set out on his several expeditions.

The writer finding those things unfairly represented has undertaken in his plain way to present a more correct account of several transactions than has heretofore been given and to take notice of some which had been entirely omitted, which in his opinion, are worthy of being preserved. For the truth of the facts he states he appeals to those who were present on the several occasions related, of whom it is believed more than 100 are yet living. Some of the details may appear minute and trivial but not so to those who were present, and it is expected the present generation will read with some interest the part their fathers and relations acted in those times, more especially when they have a personal knowledge of the very spot where each Transaction took place.

NOTES AS TO BATTLE OF RAMSOUR’S MILLS.

I wish to add the following notes as to the battle of Ramsour’s Mills, where, it is stated, the Tories were driven back the second time & the left of their line became mixed with the whigs. A Dutchman, of the Tories, meeting suddenly with an acquaintance among the whigs addressed him “Hey, how do you do Billy, I has known since you was a little poy and I would not hurt one hair of your head, because I has never known no harm of you only that you vas a rebel.” Billy, who was not so generous and much agitated & his gun being empty, clubbed it and made a blow at the Dutchman’s head which he dodged. The Dutchman cried out “oh stop, stop. I is not going to stand still and be killed like a damned fool nedder,” and raised the butt of his gun and made & shot the poor fellow dead.

Captain Machisick was wounded early in the action, shot through the tip of his shoulder, and finding himself disabled & the result being at the time uncertain, he went from the battle ground about 80 poles to the west; about the time the firing ceased he met 10 of the Tories coming from a neighbouring farm where they had been until the sound of the fire started them, they were confident their side was victorious & several of them knew Capt. Machisick, insulted him, would have used him ill but for Abram Kiener, Senr., one of his neighbors, who protected him & took him a prisoner, and marching on towards the battle ground Kiener kept lamenting that a man so clever & such a good neighbor and of so good sense should ever be a rebel, continued his lecture to Capt. Machisick until they came where the Whigs were formed. Kiener looking round saw so many strange faces said, “Hey poys, I believe you has cot a good many prisoners here,” still thinking his party had beat; immediately a number of guns were cocked and Capt. Machisick, tho’ much exhausted by loss of blood, had to exert himself to save the lives of Kiener and party.

AFTER THE BATTLE OF RAMSOUR.

When General Rutherford reached the battle field at Ramsour’s Mill on the 20th of June, 1780, (the same day of the battle) he had under his command upwards of 1200 men. Davie’s Cavalry and others were dispatched through the Country in search of the fugitives who had dispersed in every direction; they found a number of them and brought them to camp, all of whom were admitted to return to their homes on bail, except a few of the most active and influential characters who were kept in confinement and sent to Salisbury Gaol. The men who were with him as volunteers, as well as those under Col. Lock, considered themselves at liberty to return home after the battle, except those who had been designated to serve a tour of duty of 3 months, (the usual term of service at that period) and some were furloughed for a short time. By this means by the 22nd his numbers were reduced to less than 200 men. On that day he received information by an express that the Tories were assembled in considerable force in the forks of the Yadkin, in the north end of Rowan County adjoining Surry, about 75 miles North East of Ramsour’s, under the command of Colo. Bryant who lived a few miles below the Shallow Ford on the west side of that River, and had persuaded his neighbors and acquaintances to rise in arms; for that after the capture of Charleston & the defeat of Beauford, the only regular troops in the South, the Rebellion was certainly crushed. The same day Genl. Rutherford ordered Major Davie’s Cavalry to march and take a position in advance of Charlotte on the Camden road, near Waxhaw Creek, to keep under the disaffected and watch the motions of the British in that quarter. He marched with the infantry that were with him the direct route towards Bryant, and sent orders to the officers on each side of his line of march to join him, with all the men they could raise. On his way, after crossing the Catawba River, his force began to increase and when he arrived within 15 miles of the tories his force was augmented to upwards of 600 men and he prepared to attack Bryant the next day. Colo. Bryant anticipated his design. He had heard of the defeat at Ramsour’s and of General Rutherford coming against him with a large force. On the 30th of June he and party crossed over the Yadkin to the east side, and continued his route down the river through the settlements which were disaffected, many of the inhabitants joined him on his march and when he passed Abbot’s Creek his force was reputed to amount to 7 or 800 men. By this movement it was evident that his intention was to form a junction with Major McCarthen, whom Lord Cornwallis on his arrival at Camden had sent on with the first Battalion of the 71st Regiment, about 400 men, to the Cheraw Hill on the P. Dee for the purpose of preserving in submission the country between that river & Santee and corresponding with the Scotch settlements on the Cape Fear, which were generally attached to the British.

General Rutherford being apprised of Bryant’s intention took the nearer route down the west side of the river by Salisbury and the old Trading ford, endeavoring to get in his front before he reached Salisbury. He there found that Bryant by rapid marches had passed before him. From this place he detached Colo. Wm. L. Davidson with a select party down the west side of the River for the purpose of intercepting Bryant, should he attempt to pass it before he reached McCarthen, and the main body pursued Bryant thinking if he halted or delayed they would overtake him. But he and party were so panic struck with the result of the affair at Ramsour’s that they marched night and day down the east side of the Yadkin & P. Dee until they came opposite the British force under Major McCarthen and passed over the river and formed a junction with him. Rutherford finding it impossible to overtake the Tories left off the pursuit & returned.

The party under Colo. Davidson who went down the west side of the river the second day after they left Salisbury heard of a party of Tories at a farm in the vicinity of Colson’s Mill, near the junction of Rocky River with Pee Dee, marched rapidly to endeavor to surprise them. When they arrived near the farm he divided the party so as to attack them in front and the flank, by which it was known they would attempt to retire, at the same time. Colo. Davidson’s party arrived at their station first and was discovered by the Tories and when he was deploying his party into line they commenced firing on him. His party came steadily to the position required without confusion or returning the fire, when formed they advanced briskly; Colo. Davidson in front, having on his uniform, was conspicuous. The enemy’s marksmen aimed at him, one of whom wounded him severely. However, this had no effect on the result of the action. The disposition had been so correctly made and all moving on at full charge with trailed arms, and the party sent round the flank attacking at the same instant, the enemy fled after having 3 killed and 4 or 5 wounded and 10 taken prisoners. Being in their own neighborhood where they knew the Country most of them escaped. Their numbers somewhat exceeded that of the assailants, which was about 250. On the part of the Whigs no person was injured but Colo. Davidson and one other wounded. He was confined by his wounds for 2 months which was much regretted by the Militia, as the few weeks he had been vested with a command among them had inspired a confidence nothing could shake. As no other party of Tories was known to be collecting and it was unsafe to go nearer McCarthen after being reinforced by Bryant, Colo. Davidson and party returned home, and General Rutherford after staying a few days near Salisbury, marched with those serving a tour of duty to join General Gates who was advancing near the Pee Dee.

Scarcely had the volunteers who had been out on these several Expeditions returned when they were alarmed by the enemy approaching in another quarter. On the 7 of July it was understood that a party of British and tories were marching up the west side Catawba River, and it was ordered that the men in the west of Mecklenburg should attend publick worship at Steel Creek Church, with their Arms, on Sunday the 9th. After sermon, parting with their familys, the men were organized and marched down the east side of the River. The enemy advanced the same day as far as Hill’s iron works, about 10 miles below said Church on the west side. They set the works on fire. In the Evening when our party approached within 4 miles of the works on the hills above Biggars’ ferry they saw the smoke ascending and heard the enemy was there. At night our men were joined by other companies from the north of Mecklenburg and a few South Carolina Refugees under the command of General Sumpter. He being the officer highest in grade was invested with the command of the whole party. Next morning had information by our patrols that after the enemy had burnt the iron works they marched towards where Yorkville now stands.

General Sumpter moved 7 miles to the So. East where the road from Charlotte to the old Nation ford crosses Hughes’ branch, near Spotts farm in the Indian Land; others joined in the course of the day and on the 12th he had upwards of 500 men. The position being favored for collecting supplies of provisions he determined to occupy it for a few days; but doubtful of being visited by the Enemy’s cavalry, the ground being hilly and covered with oak timber, the General ordered the timber to be felled in different directions round the Camp some what in the form of an Abatis and the body of the trees split and leaned over a strong pole supported by forks or some high stump, the other end on the ground at an angle of 30 degrees elevation and facing the avenues left through the brush or abatis for passage, so that they would answer the double purpose for the men to lay under and for defence. If the enemy’s cavalry had come, unless they were supported by a large body of Infantry or artillery, they could not have forced the Camp.

Major Davie at his station near Waxhaw Creek, by his Scouts discovered a party of the British were advancing up the road from Camden and immediately sent an express to Genl. Sumpter, who by this time had intelligence that the party on the west side of the River had retired to Rocky Mount. On the 17th July marched to Waxhaw and formed a Junction with Davie’s Cavalry. The place being unfavorable for support, on the 18th marched down Waxhaw Creek on the South side, past Waxhaw meeting house1 to a Doctor Harper’s plantation, who was said to be disaffected. The Horses were turned into a green corn field not having provender for the whole, upwards of 700. Early on the 19th the party of observation near the enemy communicated that they had marched from below the Hanging Rock Creek the road towards Charlotte. The Horses were caught in great haste and marched briskly to gain the ford on Waxhaw Creek before the enemy (there being no convenient fords below); they halted at noon about 6 miles further on. It was expected they would move on in the evening or night and disposition was made for their reception. Major Davie’s Cavairy and 100 Gun men were placed opposite the ford on the north side of the creek & upwards of 500 South of the Creek, about 30 poles west of the Road, in a thick wood where Cavalry could not act & continued in this position until next morning, but the enemy did not move. If they had advanced we were to have let them pass until they encountered the party with Major Davie when those with General Sumpter were to have moved from their concealed position and attacked them in flank & rear. From the nature of the ground and the disposition of the American force they must have been destroyed, neither Cavalry nor Artillery could have been of service to them.

It was thought unadvisable to attack the enemy at his Camp and as Lord Rawdon when here before had consumed the forage at the neighbouring farms, General Sumpter moved back on the road to Charlotte 16 miles to Clem’s branch and encamped where he could draw his supplies from the fertile settlement of Providence on his left.

He continued in this place near a week with the number of his men daily diminishing. When he kept moving and they expected to meet the enemy they kept with him but when ever they came to attend only to the dull routine of camp duty such as mounting, relieving and standing guard and enduring privations, they became discontented and those in a convenient distance went home and others to the houses of their acquaintances, having no camp equipage or utensils but what each man brought with him; tho’ the Officers had rolls of their Companies they were seldom called and they could not tell who were present only as they saw them in camp.

This was the first practical lesson to our Commanders of Militia showing that while they kept in motion and the men’s expectations were kept up that something would be done, they continued with the army; but a few days stationed in camp they became discontented and would scatter, and of those who staid the careless and slovenly manner in which their duty of guards was performed afforded no security to the camp; of this experience General Sumpter and other officers availed themselves afterwards to the end of the war. By the 25 of August he had not with him more than 100 men and he sent some of them through the adjoining settlements giving notice to all to repair to Camp, that he intended to attack the enemy. By the 28th such numbers joined as induced him to march. It was known that the main party of the enemy were at Hanging Rock Creek and a detachment at Rocky Mount on the west of the Catawba. He decided on attacking the latter and crossed over the Catawba with that view.

On the 5th day of August he arrived at that place. It is situated on the top of a high hill on the west side of Catawba, just below the mouth of Rocky Creek (3 miles below where now stands the United States establishment). The base of the mount is bounded by the river on the east and the Creek on the north. The log buildings which were fortified with abatis and had loop holes to shoot through, stood on the summit of the mount and was held by Colo. Turnbull with a party of British & some Tories, supposed 150 in the whole. The slope from the top of the hill was gradual and nearly equal on all sides and the land cleared; no swell in the ground to shelter them from the Enemy’s fire, only on the west a ledge of a blackish kind of Rocks at the distance of 140 yards from the houses. The Men were drawn up in line below these Rocks and advanced up to them and a party was sent round on each flank; a brisk fire commenced on both sides which lasted a considerable time and great exertions were made by the assailants to discover some point where they might carry the works but found them equally difficult at all points. The Enemy were under cover in the fortified buildings and sustained but little damage from the Americans and the Rocks were not so extensive as to shelter them from the fire of the British. The General finding it impossible to take the place without artillery to batter the Houses ordered a retreat. Col. Andrew Neal (of York) a young man of much promise and much regretted, and two others were killed and 6 wounded.2 The enemy did not attempt to annoy him on the retreat. He moved up the river and the next day crossed at Landsford where he met Colo. Irwin from Mecklenburg, with a considerable reinforcement, who had not time to join after the orders issued at Clem’s branch, 25 July. By slow movements he kept up Waxhaw Creek until he forwarded his wounded to the hospital at Charlotte. Some other small parties continued to join and he determined to attack the Enemy at Hanging Rock. He had discovered that his men, while marching and fighting and fighting and marching would keep with him, but to encamp and remain stationary he might calculate with certainty his force might diminish; therefore if he fialed in his enterprise the loss to the Country would only be those who were killed and wounded, the remainder might be organized in a short time as formidable as before. If he succeeded it would considerably weaken the Enemy’s effective force and have considerable weight in the operations which he expected shortly would take place. Having made all the necessary arrangements circumstances would permit the General ordered the troops to march on the evening of the 5th of August with a view to attack the enemy early on the next morning; the Enemy’s force was estimated at more than 500 and upwards of half were Regulars. General Sumpter marched in the night 16 miles and early on the 6th of August the sound of Horse Bells and the smoke settled along the valley of Hanging Rock Creek apprised them they were near the Enemy’s encampment.

(Unfinished.)

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1 Waxhaw meeting house was at this time the Hospital for the survivors of those who were wounded at Buford’s defeat, about 80 in number who being between the two armies were neglected and needed medical assistance and suitable provisions; perhaps a more complicated scene of misery in proportion to their number was never exhibited in the whole war.

2 Among the wounded was Alexander Haynes, yet living in the south end of Mecklenburg, who having fired his Rifle twice from behind the Rocks had loaded his gun a third time, and peeping past the side of the black rock for an object, his face being white became an object for the enemys marksmen one of whom shot him close under the eye. The shot ranged under the brain but missed the vertebrae of the neck; it was thought he was killed, but seeing life was in him when they were about to retire, his acquaintances carried him off. He was cured, tho’ he lost his Eye ; it run out shortly he was wounded.